Vice President Joe Biden Eulogizes Former PM Ariel Sharon

THE VICE PRESIDENT: When a close-knit country like Israel, a country that has been tested as much as Israel, loses a man like Prime Minister Sharon, it doesn’t just feel like the loss of a leader, it feels like a death in the family. And many of my fellow Americans, some of whom are here, feel that same sense of loss.

I say to Prime Minister Sharon’s beloved and devoted sons, Omri and Gilad, and the entire family, particularly the sons who spent so much time caring for their father in the last few years, it’s a great honor you’ve afforded me on behalf of my country to bring the sympathies of the President of the United States and the American people on this occasion.

To you, to Prime Minister Netanyahu and the government of Israel, to President Peres, and to the grieving men and women of the nation of Israel, but most particularly to his beloved IDF, his fellow warriors, I fear an attempt to capture him and what he stood for is beyond my capabilities. I knew him for over 30 years. He was not only a powerful man, he was a powerfully built man. And as a young senator, when you first met him you could not help but understand, as they say in the military, this man had a command presence. He filled the room.

The first time I was invited to his office, he said to me — and I remember thinking, is he serious? — he said, Senator, you are mostly welcome. I didn’t know if it was a matter of something being lost in translation or whether he was pulling my leg, as we say in the States, until I spent a few moments with him and realized how incredible his hospitality was. But when the topic of Israel’s security arose, which it always, always, always did in my many meetings over the years with him, you immediately understood how he acquired, as the speakers referenced, the nickname “Bulldozer.” He was indomitable.

Like all historic leaders, Prime Minister Sharon was a complex man about whom, as you’ve already heard from his colleagues, who engendered strong opinions from everyone. But like all historic leaders, all real leaders, he had a North Star that guided him — a North Star from which he never, in my observation, never deviated. His North Star was the survival of the State of Israel and the Jewish people, wherever they resided.

In talking about his spiritual attachment to the land of Israel back in an interview in the late ‘90s, he said, and I quote, “Before and above all else, I am a Jew. My thinking is dominated by the Jews’ future in 30 years, in 300 years, in a thousand years. That’s what preoccupies and interests me first and foremost.” And because he possessed such incredible physical courage — and I would add political courage — he never, never, never deviated from that preoccupation and interest, as he referred to it. It was his life’s work that even someone on the shores hundreds of — thousands of miles from here could see, could smell, could taste, could feel, and when you were in his presence there was never, never any doubt about it.

The physical courage he had to lead men straight into enemy lines and deep behind them. I remember, as a young senator, that iconic picture of him with that bandage around his head, standing there after a decisive victory, which seemed to symbolize, as Bibi — as the Prime Minister said, an Israel that had reclaimed its roots of standing up and fighting, needing no help, standing on its own. The political courage it took, whether you agreed with him or not, when he told 10,000 Israelis to leave their homes in Gaza in order, from his perspective, to strengthen Israel. I can’t think of much more controversial; as a student of the Jewish state, I can’t think of a much more difficult and controversial decision that’s been made. But he believed it and he did it.

The security of his people was always Arik’s unwavering mission, an unbreakable commitment to the future of Jews, whether 30 years or 300 years from now. We have an expression in the States: never in doubt. Arik was never uncertain from my observation. I don’t know him nearly as well as the Israeli people and his colleagues, but he seemed never in doubt. But there were times when he acted, and those actions earned him controversy and even condemnation. And in certain instances, American leaders — American Presidents — had profound differences with him, and they were never shy about stating them nor was he ever shy about stating his position. As I said, from my observation he was a complex man, but to understand him better I think it’s important history will judge he also lived in complex times, in a very complex neighborhood.

Since he passed away, in the days ahead, there will be much written about the Prime Minister. And it’s right for the Israeli people to reflect on all aspects of his life — the triumphs as well as the mistakes, taking full measure of the man, the arc of his life. For I would argue the arc of his life traced the journey of the State of Israel.

And through it all, the United States whether we agreed or disagreed with a specific policy has been unflagging in its commitment to the State of Israel. We have never stepped away. We have never diminished our support. We have never failed to make Israel’s case around the world. We have never failed to defend Israel’s legitimacy.

And no one in any corner of this world has any doubt about where America stands with regard to Israeli security, the independent State of Israel that is the ultimate refuge for Jews wherever they are in the world. And that will never change.

As President Obama said when he was here in Jerusalem last year, and I quote, “Those who adhere to the ideology of rejecting Israel’s right to exist, they might as well reject the earth beneath them and the sky above because Israel is not going anywhere. So long as there is a United States of America, you are not alone.”

For his part, Arik Sharon greatly valued that close friendship between the United States and Israel, and particularly during his years as prime minister, he worked hard to deepen our relationship.

I find it fascinating, maybe it’s I’m getting older — I find it fascinating how some look at Israel today and say its success was inevitable. Why didn’t everyone understand this was just inevitable? But at the outset it was anything but inevitable. It was the opposite of inevitable. Israel’s very survival was against all odds. But thankfully Israel was blessed with a founding generation that understood exactly what it took to overcome those odds. So many of that generation, because of the people of the United States, I have the great honor of personally meeting and getting to know. I did not know David Ben Gurion, but I knew all but one — every Prime Minister since that time.

President Peres, you and Prime Minister Sharon are part of one of the most remarkable founding generations in the history not of this nation, but of any nation. Historians will look back and say, but for — but for — the rare and unique men and women at that moment, but for that it’s hard to see how we’d be standing here on this day — leaders like David Ben Gurion, Golda Meir, Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Rabin, the list goes on, and you, Mr. President, you all had one thing in common from an outside observer’s perspective, despite your political differences, it was that you knew in your bones, as one Israeli Prime Minister told me over 35 years ago when I was opining of the difficulty Israel faced surrounded by hostile neighbors at the time, looked at me and said, Senator, don’t worry. We Jews have a secret weapon in our struggle in the region. We have nowhere else to go.

That realization, it seems to me, is what energized your entire generation of leadership. I believe that’s one of the reasons by Arik Sharon and so many others fought so hard their whole lives.

Prime Minister Sharon was not only loved by the Jewish people, he not only loved them — the Jewish people — but he loved the land of Israel. Not just the idea of it, but the actual land itself. Born on a farm, about to be buried on a farm, a ranch, I remember one of the meetings I had with him. It was a somewhat heated, and he had his maps. And he spread them out in his office again. And I somewhat irreverently said, Mr. Prime Minister — I said, do you want me to do it, or are you going to do it? Because I had heard his presentation many times. And in the midst of it, he looked at me, and he said, let me tell you about the new calf that I just got on my ranch. And he started talking about a calf.

Ladies and gentlemen, the Book of Genesis says, “Arise and walk the length and breadth of the land.” Arik Sharon did just that. He tilled it as a farmer. He fought for it as a soldier. He knew every hilltop and valley — every inch of the land. As I said, he loved his maps. He used to come to the meetings with maps of the land rolled up under each arm. They were always maps.

I’m reminded — my mother’s blessed memory, I’m reminded of — if you’ll forgive me — an Irish poet, an Irish writer. I’m sure Prime Minister Blair will forgive me. That Irish writer was James Joyce. And he said, “When I die, Dublin will be written on my heart.” I am absolutely sure the land of Israel, the Negev is etched in Arik Sharon’s soul as it was written on Joyce’s heart.

And the defining attributes of this great man’s character — passion for the Jewish people, physical and political courage, and love of this land — they have all played out on the canvas of the State of Israel’s historic trajectory.

Arik Sharon’s journey and the journey of the State of Israel are inseparable. They are woven together, in war, in politics, in diplomacy.

Toward the end of his life, he said, I’ve been everywhere. I’ve met kings, queens, presidents. “I’ve been around the world. I have one thing that I would like to do: to try to reach peace.”

We’ll never know what the ultimate arc of Arik Sharon’s life would have been had he been physically able to pursue his stated goal. That will be for historians to speculate and debate. But we do know this: As prime minister, he surprised many. I’ve been told that, in reflecting on the difference between how he viewed things as a general and as prime minister, he would paraphrase an Israeli song lyric that said, things you see from here, look different from over there. What would have — what would they have looked like had he lived in good health and led those eight years?

He left us too soon, but the work of trying to reach peace continues. And to quote Shakespeare: He was a man, take him all in all, we shall not look upon his like again.

May the bond between Israel and the United States never, ever be broken.

If Israel is wrong on Iran, it is a threat to its existence, Biden tells AIPAC

Speaking at pro-Israel lobby's conference Monday, U.S. vice president says military action "on the table" to thwart Iran's nuclear program, should all other options fail • Netanyahu: "Sanctions must be coupled with a clear and credible military threat."

A very public display of affection: Defense Minister Ehud Barak and U.S. Vice President Joe Biden.  |  Photo credit: AP

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U.S. Vice President Joe Biden vowed Monday that the United States will not back down from its pledge to use military action to thwart Iran's nuclear program should all other options fail.

"Iran threatens not just Israel, but the world," Biden said. "But we understand that if we're wrong our existence isn't threatened, but that if Israel is wrong it is a clear and present threat to its existence."

"President Barack Obama is not bluffing," Biden said. "We are not looking for war. We are looking to and ready to negotiate peacefully, but all options, including military force, are on the table."

In a prelude to Obama's upcoming trip to Israel — his first as president — Biden told the American Israel Public Affairs Committee that the U.S. does not want a war with Iran, but that the window for diplomacy is closing. He said prevention, not containment, is the only outcome the U.S. will accept.

Praising Obama, Biden told the crowd: "I've worked with eight presidents during my career, and I can promise before you that no president has done more for Israel's security than President Obama."

But in a sign the U.S. is still reluctant to embroil itself in another Mideast military effort, Biden cautioned more than 13,000 Israel supporters at AIPAC's annual conference that if Israel or the U.S. acts too hastily, without exhausting every other reasonable option, they could risk losing the backing of the international community.

"That matters because God forbid we have to act, it's important that the rest of the world is with us," Biden said to muted applause.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who couldn't attend the conference due to ongoing efforts to form a government, spoke to the audience by video link from Jerusalem. The prime minister pushed back against such reluctance, reflecting the tension still present between the U.S. and its closest Mideast ally as they seek a united front to stave off Iran's nuclear program.

"From the bottom of my heart and from the clarity of my brain, words alone will not stop Iran. Sanctions alone will not stop Iran," Netanyahu said.

"Words alone will not stop Iran. Sanctions alone will not stop Iran. Sanctions must be coupled with a clear and credible military threat if diplomacy and sanctions fail," the prime minister said to loud cheers.

Netanyahu said Iran had not yet crossed a "red line" he set at the United Nations in September, when he said Tehran should not be allowed to amass enough medium-enriched uranium that, if purified further, would be enough to power a single warhead. He gave a rough deadline at the time of spring or summer 2013.

But he told AIPAC: "Iran is getting closer to that red line and it's putting itself in a position to cross that line very quickly once it decides to do so." However, Netanyahu stopped short of any explicit threat of Israeli military action. A senior Israeli official said that while the Netanyahu government had hoped for a tougher line at the negotiations by the so-called P5+1 — made up of the United States, China, France, Russia, Britain and Germany — it was resigned to awaiting the results of the next round of talks.

Defense Minister Ehud Barak, also in attendance, dedicated much of his speech to the Iranian threat, which he described as "the greatest challenge for Israel, the region and the world."

Barak reiterated that all options must remain on the table: "We expect everyone who says so to mean it. And ladies and gentlemen — we mean it."

The defense minister went on to lay out his vision for the Israel and the Middle East, saying, "The two-state solution is the only long-term solution there is," and called the Palestinians a "difficult peace partner."

Barak also praised Netanyahu for taking "brave steps" toward restarting the peace process. "I know that a final status solution is probably not attainable today," he said, "but if that's the case — and only making an effort will help determine if this is the case — we must try reaching a fair and logical interim agreement."

If an interim agreement isn't possible, Barak told the audience, Israel "must consider unilateral measures."

The White House sees Obama's visit later in March to Israel, Jordan and the Palestinian territories as an opportunity to reset relations with Netanyahu, who has frequently bumped heads with Obama, and to strengthen ties with Israelis, many of whom bristled at Obama's early efforts to reach out to the Arab world and his decision not to visit Israel during his first term as president.

White House officials say Obama will not be bringing an ambitious new peace plan when he travels to Jerusalem, but improving relations with Israel and its leader could open the door to a stepped up U.S. effort to facilitate negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians.

"We will continue to oppose any efforts to establish a state of Palestine through unilateral actions," Biden said, referring to Palestinian efforts to seek U.N. recognition that the United States has staunchly opposed. "There is no shortcut to peace."

Netanyahu said that "Peace must be anchored in reality and security. Every time we have retreated we've received terror. We can't let that happen again. We are ready for compromise, but we will never compromise Israel's security."

Obama spoke at the AIPAC conference last year while running for re-election, but this year sent Biden, who vowed a nimble and resolute U.S. response to fluctuating threats in Iran, Syria and Egypt. He cast a vote of confidence in incoming Secretary of State John Kerry — "You're going to be happy with Kerry" — and said only through engagement would the U.S. navigate the challenges the Arab Spring presents.

Biden made no mention of the newest member of Obama's second-term national security team, Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel, whom opponents cast as insufficiently supportive of Israel. Hagel also apologized for saying the "Jewish lobby" intimidates members of the Senate into favoring actions contrary to U.S. interests.

Speaking on a panel shortly before Biden's address, Republican Sen. John McCain, a leading foe of Hagel's, said, "We need members of the national security team who are pro-Israel, not anti-Israel."

McCain also concluded that "the latest efforts at conciliation and some kind of agreement with the Iranians have failed. It's very clear that they are on the path to having a nuclear weapon."

Critical for Hagel's success in winning Senate confirmation was the fact that AIPAC never publicly took a stand on the nomination.

On the Syrian front, Biden reiterated that Syrian President Bashar al-Assad must be ousted, but made clear that uncertainty about elements of the Syrian opposition is still keeping the U.S. from arming the rebels. His comments came days after the U.S. announced a substantial shift in policy to provide non-lethal aid directly to rebels battling Assad.

"We are not signing up for one murderer's gang replacing another in Damascus," Biden said.

Netanyahu also made clear Israel's concern about where Syria's stockpile of chemical weapons and other advanced arms might end up in the midst of civil war.

"As the Syrian regime collapses, the danger of these weapons falling into the hands of terrorist groups is very real. Terror groups such as Hezbollah and al-Qaida are trying to seize these weapons as we speak," he said. "We have a common interest in preventing them from obtaining these deadly weapons."

Biden expressed a similar degree of skepticism about Egypt, where U.S. hopes that Islamist President Mohammed Morsi could play a powerful leadership role in the Mideast were dampened after anti-Semitic remarks Morsi made in 2010 were publicized and political protesters have questioned his commitment to democracy.

"We're not looking at what's happening in Egypt through rose-colored glasses," Biden said. "Our eyes are wide open. We have no illusions about the challenges that we face, but we also know this: There's no legitimate alternative at this point to engagement."

His comment came just one day after Kerry announced the release of $250 million in U.S. aid to Egypt.

Joe Biden's Speech at AIPAC Policy Conference 2013 - Iran

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Mr. President. (Applause.) It’s great to be here. It’s great to be here. (Applause.) Hey, Debbie.
Ladies and gentlemen, oh, what a difference 40 years makes. (Laughter.) I look out there and see an old friend, Annette Lantos. Annette, how are you? Her husband, Tom Lantos, a survivor, was my assistant, was my foreign policy advisor for years. And Tom used to say all the time, Joe — he talked with that Hungarian accent — he’d say, Joe, we must do another fundraiser for AIPAC. (Laughter.) I did more fundraisers for AIPAC in the ‘70s and early ‘80s than — just about as many as anybody. Thank God you weren’t putting on shows like this, we would have never made it. (Laughter.) We would have never made it.
My Lord, it’s so great to be with you all and great to see — Mr. President, thank you so much for that kind introduction. And President-elect Bob Cohen, the entire AIPAC Board of Directors, I’m delighted to be with you today. But I’m particularly delighted to be with an old friend — and he is an old friend; we use that phrase lightly in Washington, but it’s real, and I think he’d even tell you — Ehud Barak, it’s great to be with you, Mr. Minister. Great to be with you. (Applause.)

There is a standup guy. There is a standup guy. Standing up for his country, putting his life on the line for his country, and continuing to defend the values that we all share. (Applause.) I’m a fan of the man. (Applause.) Thanks for being here, Ehud. It’s good to be with you again.
Ladies and gentlemen, a lot of you know me if you’re old enough. (Laughter.) Some of you don’t know me, and understand I can’t see now, but in the bleachers to either side, I’m told you have 2,000 young AIPAC members here. (Applause.) We talked about this a lot over the years. We talked about it a lot: This is the lifeblood. This is the connective tissue. This is the reason why no American will ever forget. You’ve got to keep raising them. (Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, we’ve stood shoulder to shoulder, a lot of us in this auditorium, defending the legitimate interest of Israel and our enduring commitment over the last 40 years. And many of you in this hall — I won’t start to name them, but many of you in this hall, starting with Annette Lantos’s husband, who is not here, God rest his soul — many of you in this hall have been my teachers, my mentors and my educators, and that is not hyperbole. You literally have been.
But my education started, as some of you know, at my father’s dinner table. My father was what you would have called a righteous Christian. We gathered at my dinner table to have conversation, and incidentally eat, as we were growing up. It was a table — it was at that table I first heard the phrase that is overused sometimes today, but in a sense not used meaningfully enough — first I heard the phrase, “Never again.”
It was at that table that I learned that the only way to ensure that it could never happen again was the establishment and the existence of a secure, Jewish state of Israel. (Applause.) I remember my father, a Christian, being baffled at the debate taking place at the end of World War II talking about it. I don’t remember it at that time, but about how there could be a debate about whether or not — within the community, of whether or not to establish the State of Israel.
My father would say, were he a Jew, he would never, never entrust the security of his people to any individual nation, no matter how good and how noble it was, like the United States. (Applause.) Everybody knows it’s real. But I want you to know one thing, which some of you — I’ve met with a lot of you over the last 40 years, but the last four years as well. President Obama shares my commitment. We both know that Israel faces new threats, new pressures and uncertainty. The Defense Minister and I have discussed it often. In the area of national security, the threats to Israel’s existence continue, but they have changed as the world and the region have changed over the last decade.
The Arab Spring, at once full of both hope and uncertainty, has required Israel — and the United States — to reassess old and settled relationships. Iran’s dangerous nuclear weapons program, and its continued support of terrorist organizations, like Hezbollah and Hamas, not only endanger Israel, but endanger the world. (Applause.) Attempts of much of the world to isolate and delegitimize the State of Israel are increasingly common, and taken as the norm in other parts of the world.
All these pressures are similar but different, and they put enormous pressure on the State of Israel. We understand that. And we especially understand that if we make a mistake, it’s not a threat to our existence. But if Israel makes a mistake, it could be a threat to its very existence. (Applause.) And that’s why, from the moment the President took office, he has acted swiftly and decisively to make clear to the whole world and to Israel that even as circumstances have changed, one thing has not: our deep commitment to the security of the state of Israel. That has not changed. That will not change as long as I and he are President and Vice President of the United States. (Applause.) It’s in our naked self-interest, beyond the moral imperative. (Applause.)
And to all of you, I thank you for continuing to remind the nation and the world of that commitment. And while we may not always agree on tactics — and I’ve been around a long time; I’ve been there for a lot of prime ministers — we’ve always disagreed on tactic. We’ve always disagreed at some point or another on tactic. But, ladies and gentlemen, we have never disagreed on the strategic imperative that Israel must be able to protect its own, must be able to do it on its own, and we must always stand with Israel to be sure that can happen. And we will. (Applause.)
That’s why we’ve worked so hard to make sure Israel keeps its qualitative edge in the midst of the Great Recession. I’ve served with eight Presidents of the United States of America, and I can assure you, unequivocally, no President has done as much to physically secure the State of Israel as President Barack Obama. (Applause.)
President Obama last year requested $3.1 billion in military assistance for Israel — the most in history. He has directed close coordination, strategically and operationally, between our government and our Israeli partners, including our political, military and intelligence leadership.
I can say with certitude, in the last eight Presidents, I don’t know any time, Ehud, when there has been as many meetings, as much coordination, between our intelligence services and our military. Matter of fact, they’re getting tired of traveling back across the ocean, I think. (Laughter.)
Under this administration, we’ve held the most regular and largest-ever joint military exercises. We’ve invested $275 million in Iron Dome, including $70 million that the President directed to be spent last year on an urgent basis — to increase the production of Iron Dome batteries and interceptors. (Applause.)
Not long ago, I would have had to describe to an audience what Iron Dome was, how it would work, why funding it mattered. I don’t have to explain to anybody anymore. Everybody gets it. (Applause.) Everybody saw — the world saw firsthand why it was and remains so critical.
For too long, when those sirens blared in the streets of the cities bordering Gaza, the only defense had been a bomb shelter. But late last year, Iron Dome made a difference. When Hamas rockets rained on Israel, Iron Dome shot them out of the sky, intercepting nearly 400 rockets in November alone. It was our unique partnership — Israel and the United States — that pioneered this technology and funded it.
And it is in that same spirit that we’re working with Israel to jointly develop new systems, called Arrow and David’s Sling, interceptors that can defeat long-range threats from Iran, Syria and Hezbollah — equally as urgent. (Applause.) And we are working to deploy a powerful new radar, networked with American early warning satellites, that could buy Israel valuable time in the event of an attack. This is what we do. This is what we do to ensure Israel can counter and defeat any threat from any corner. (Applause.)
But that’s only the first piece of this equation. Let me tell you — and I expect I share the view of many of you who have been involved with AIPAC for a long time. Let me tell you what worries me the most today — what worries me more than at any time in the 40 years I’ve been engaged, and it is different than any time in my career. And that is the wholesale, seemingly coordinated effort to delegitimize Israel as a Jewish state. That is the single most dangerous, pernicious change that has taken place, in my humble opinion, since I’ve been engaged. (Applause.)
And, ladies and gentlemen, it matters. It matters. To put it bluntly, there is only one nation — only one nation in the world that has unequivocally, without hesitation and consistently confronted the efforts to delegitimize Israel. At every point in our administration, at every juncture, we’ve stood up on the legitimacy — on behalf of legitimacy of the State of Israel. President Obama has been a bulwark against those insidious efforts at every step of the way.
Wherever he goes in the world, he makes clear that although we want better relations with Muslim-majority countries, Israel’s legitimacy and our support for it is not a matter of debate. There is no light. It is not a matter of debate. (Applause.) It’s simple, and he means it: It is not a matter of debated. Don’t raise it with us. Do not raise it with us. It is not negotiable. (Applause.)
As recently as last year, the only country on the United Nations Human Rights Council to vote against — I think it’s 36 countries, don’t hold me to the exact number — but the only country on the Human Rights Council of the United Nations to vote against the establishment of a fact-finding mission on settlements was the United States of America.
We opposed the unilateral efforts of the Palestinian Authority to circumvent direct negotiations by pushing for statehood and multilateral organizations like UNESCO. We stood strongly with Israel in its right to defend itself after the Goldstone Report was issued in 2009. While the rest of the world, including some of our good friend, was prepared to embrace the report, we came out straightforwardly, expressed our concerns and with recommendations.
When Israel was isolated in the aftermath of the Gaza flotilla in 2010, I was in Africa. We spent a lot of time on the phone, Ehud and — the Defense Minister and I. (Laughter.) And Bibi and I spent a lot time on that phone with my interceding, going to the United Nations directly by telephone, speaking with the Secretary General, making sure that one thing was made clear, Israel had the right — had the right — to impose that blockade. (Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, that’s why we refuse to attend events such as the 10th anniversary of the 2001 World Conference on Racism that shamefully equated Zionism with racism. (Applause.) That’s why we rejected anti-Semitic rhetoric from any corner and from leaders of any nation. And that’s why I’m proud to say my friend, the new Secretary of State, John Kerry, spoke out against the kind of language in Ankara just this Friday. (Applause.) By the way, he’s a good man. You’re going to be happy with Kerry.
And it was in the strongest terms that we vigorously opposed the Palestinian bid for nonmember observer status in the General Assembly, and we will continue to oppose any effort to establish a state of Palestine through unilateral actions.
There is no shortcut to peace. There is no shortcut to face-to-face negotiations. There is no shortcut to guarantees made looking in the eyes of the other party.
Ladies and gentlemen, Israel’s own leaders currently understand the imperative of peace. Prime Minister Netanyahu, Defense Minister Barak, President Peres — they’ve all called for a two-state solution and an absolute secure, democratic and Jewish State of Israel; to live side by side with an independent Palestinian state. But it takes two to tango, and the rest of the Arab world has to get in the game. (Applause.)
We are under no illusions about how difficult it will be to achieve. Even some of you in the audience said, why do we even talk about it anymore? Well, it’s going to require hard steps on both sides. But it’s in all of our interests — Israel’s interest, the United States’ interest, the interest of the Palestinian people. We all have a profound interest in peace. To use an expression of a former President, Bill Clinton, we’ve got to get caught trying. We’ve got to get caught trying. (Applause.)
So we remain deeply engaged. As President Obama has said, while there are those who question whether this goal may ever be reached, we make no apologies for continuing to pursue that goal, to pursue a better future. And he’ll make that clear when he goes to Israel later this month.
We’re also mindful that pursuing a better future for Israel means helping Israel confront the myriads of threat it faces in the neighborhood. It’s a tough neighborhood, and it starts with Iran. It is not only in Israel’s interest — and everybody should understand — I know you understand this, but the world should — it’s not only in Israel’s interest that Iran does not acquire a nuclear weapon, it’s in the interest of the United States of America. It’s simple. And, as a matter of fact, it’s in the interest of the entire world. (Applause.)
Iraq’s [sic] acquisition of a nuclear weapon not only would present an existential threat to Israel, it would present a threat to our allies and our partners — and to the United States. And it would trigger an arms race — a nuclear arms race in the region, and make the world a whole lot less stable.
So we have a shared strategic commitment. Let me make clear what that commitment is: It is to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon. Period. (Applause.) End of discussion. Prevent — not contain — prevent. (Applause.)
The President has flatly stated that. And as many of you in this room have heard me say — and he always kids me about this; we’ll be in the security room — and I know that Debbie Wasserman Schultz knows this because she hears it — he always says, you know — he’ll turn to other people and say, as Joe would say, he’s — as Joe would say, big nations can’t bluff. Well, big nations can’t bluff. And Presidents of the United States cannot and do not bluff. And President Barack Obama is not bluffing. He is not bluffing. (Applause.)
We are not looking for war. We are looking to and ready to negotiate peacefully, but all options, including military force, are on the table. But as I made clear at the Munich Security Conference just last month, our strong preference, the world’s preference is for a diplomatic solution. So while that window is closing, we believe there is still time and space to achieve the outcome. We are in constant dialogue, sharing information with the Israeli military, the Israeli intelligence service, the Israeli political establishment at every level, and we’re taking all the steps required to get there.
But I want to make clear to you something. If, God forbid,
the need to act occurs, it is critically important for the whole world to know we did everything in our power, we did everything that reasonably could have been expected to avoid any confrontation. And that matters. Because God forbid, if we have to act, it’s important that the rest of the world is with us. (Applause.) We have a united international community. We have a united international community behind these unprecedented sanctions.
We have left Iran more isolated than ever. When we came to office, as you remember — not because of the last administration, just a reality — Iran was on the ascendency in the region. It is no longer on the ascendency. The purpose of this pressure is not to punish. It is to convince Iran to make good on its international obligations. Put simply, we are sharpening a choice that the Iranian leadership has to make. They can meet their obligations and give the international community ironclad confidence in the peaceful nature of their program, or they can continue down the path they’re on to further isolate and mounting pressure of the world.
But even preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon still leaves them a dangerous neighbor, particularly to Israel. They are using terrorist proxies to spread violence in the region and beyond the region, putting Israelis, Americans, citizens of every continent in danger. For too long, Hezbollah has tried to pose as nothing more than a political and social welfare group, while plotting against innocents in Eastern Europe — from Eastern Europe to East Africa; from Southeast Asia to South America. We know what Israel knows: Hezbollah is a terrorist organization. Period. (Applause.) And we — and me — we are urging every nation in the world that we deal with — and we deal with them all — to start treating Hezbollah as such, and naming them as a terrorist organization. (Applause.)
This isn’t just about a threat to Israel and the United States. It’s about a global terrorist organization that has targeted people on several continents. We’ll say and we’ll do our part to stop them. And we ask the world to do the same. That’s why we’ve been talking to our friends in Europe to forcefully declare Hezbollah a terrorist organization. This past month I’ve made the case to leading European heads of state, as Barack and Israelis know, together we have to continue to confront Hezbollah wherever it shows — sews the seeds of hatred and stands against the nations that sponsor campaigns of terror.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States and Israel have a shared interest in Syria as well. Assad has shown his father’s disregard for human life and dignity, engaging in brutal murder of his own citizens. Our position on that tragedy could not be clearer: Assad must go. But we are not signing up for one murderous gang replacing another in Damascus. (Applause.)
That’s why our focus is on supporting a legitimate opposition not only committed to a peaceful Syria but to a peaceful region. That’s why we’re carefully vetting those to whom we provide assistance. That’s why, while putting relentless pressure on Assad and sanctioning the pro-regime, Iranian-backed militia, we’ve also designated al-Nusra Front as a terrorist organization.
And because we recognize the great danger Assad’s chemical and biological arsenals pose to Israel and the United States, to the whole world, we’ve set a clear red line against the use of the transfer of the those weapons. And we will work together to prevent this conflict and these horrific weapons from threatening Israel’s security. And while we try to ensure an end to the dictatorship in Syria, we have supported and will support a genuine transition to Egyptian democracy.
We have no illusions — we know how difficult this will be and how difficult it is. There’s been — obviously been a dramatic change in Egypt. A lot of it has given us hope and a lot of it has given us pause, and a lot of it has caused fears in other quarters.
It’s not about us, but it profoundly affects us. We need to be invested in Egypt’s success and stability. The stable success of Egypt will translate into a stable region. We’re not looking at what’s happening in Egypt through rose-colored glasses. Again, our eyes are wide open. We have no illusions about the challenges that we face, but we also know this: There’s no legitimate alternative at this point to engagement.
Only through engagement — it’s only through engagement with Egypt that we can focus Egypt’s leaders on the need to repair international obligations — respect their international obligations, including and especially its peace treaty with Israel. It’s only through active engagement that we can help ensure that Hamas does not re-arm through the Sinai and put the people of Israel at risk. It’s only through engagement that we can concentrate Egypt’s government on the imperative of confronting the extremists. And it’s only through engagement that we can encourage Egypt’s leaders to make reforms that will spark economic growth and stabilize the democratic process. And it’s all tough, and there’s no certainty. There’s no certainty about anything in the Arab Spring.
I expect President Obama to cover each of these issues in much greater detail. I’ve learned one thing, as I was telling the President, I learned it’s never a good idea, Ehud, to steal the President’s thunder. It’s never a good idea to say what he’s going to say the next day. So I’m not going to go into any further detail on this. (Laughter.) But in much greater detail he will discuss this when he goes to Israel later this month, just before Passover begins.
I have to admit I’m a little jealous that he gets to be the one to say “this year in Jerusalem,” but I’m the Vice President. I’m not the President. (Applause.) So I — when I told him that, I’m not sure he thought I was serious or not. But anyway. (Laughter.)
As will come as no surprise to you, the President and I not only are partners, we’ve become friends, and he and I have spoken at length about this trip. And I can assure you he’s particularly looking forward to having a chance to hear directly from the people of Israel and beyond their political leaders, and particularly the younger generation of Israelis. (Applause.)
And I must note just as I’m getting a chance to speak to 2,000 young, American Jews involved and committed to the state of Israel and the relationship with the United States, he’s as anxious to do what I got a chance to do when I was there last, Ehud with you, as you flew me along the line. I got to go to Tel Aviv University to speak several thousand young Israelis. The vibrancy, the optimism, the absolute commitment is contagious, and he’s looking forward to seeing it and feeling it and tasting it.
The President looks forward to having conversations about their hopes and their aspirations, about their astonishing world-leading technological achievements, about the future they envision for themselves and for their country, about how different the world they face is from the one their parents faced, even if many of the threats are the same.
These are really important conversations for the President to have and to hear and for them to hear. These are critically important. I get kidded, again to quote Debbie, she kids sometimes, everybody quotes — Democrat and Republican — quotes Tip O’Neill saying, all politics is local. With all due respect, Lonny, I think that’s not right. I think all politics is personal. And I mean it: All politics is personal. And it’s building personal relationships and trust and exposure, talking to people that really matters, particularly in foreign policy.
So, ladies and gentlemen, let me end where I began, by reaffirming our commitment to the State of Israel. It’s not only a longstanding, moral commitment, it’s a strategic commitment. An independent Israel, secure in its own borders, recognized by the world is in the practical, strategic interests of the United States of America. I used to say when I — Lonny was president — I used to say if there weren’t an Israel, we’d have to invent one.
Ladies and gentlemen, we also know that it’s critical to remind every generation of Americans — as you’re doing with your children here today, it’s critical to remind our children, my children, your children. That’s why the first time I ever took the three of my children separately to Europe, the first place I took them was Dachau. We flew to Munich and went to Dachau — the first thing we ever did as Annette will remember — because it’s important that all our children and grandchildren understand that this is a never-ending requirement. The preservation of an independent Jewish state is the ultimate guarantor, it’s the only certain guarantor of freedom and security for the Jewish people in the world. (Applause.)
That was most pointedly pointed out to me when I was a young senator making my first trip to Israel. I had the great, great honor — and that is not hyperbole — of getting to meet for the first time — and subsequently, I met her beyond that — Golda Meir. She was the prime minister. (Applause.)
Now, I’m sure every kid up there said, you can’t be that old, Senator. (Laughter.) I hope that’s what you’re saying. (Laughter.) But seriously, the first trip I ever made — and you all know those double doors. You just go into the office and the blonde furniture and the desk on the left side, if memory serves me correctly. And Golda Meir, as a prime minister and as a defense minister, she had those maps behind her. You could pull down all those maps like you had in geography class in high school.
And she sat behind her desk. And I sat in a chair in front of her desk, and a young man was sitting to my right who was her assistant. His name was Yitzhak Rabin. (Laughter.) Seriously — an absolutely true story. (Applause.) And she sat there chain-smoking and reading letters to me, letters from the front from the Six-Day War. She read letters and told me how this young man or woman had died and this is their family. This went on for I don’t know how long, and I guess she could tell I was visibly moved by this, and I was getting depressed about it — oh, my God.
And she suddenly looked at me and said — and I give you my word as a Biden that she looked at me and said — she said, Senator, would you like a photo opportunity? (Laughter.) And I looked at her. I said, well yes, Madam Prime Minister. I mean I was — and we walk out those doors. We stood there — no statements, and we’re standing next to one another looking at this array of media, television and photojournalists, take — snapping pictures. And we’re looking straight ahead.
Without looking at me, she speaks to me. She said, Senator, don’t look so sad. She said, we have a secret weapon in our confrontation in this part of the world. And I thought she was about to lean over and tell me about a new system or something. Because you can see the pictures, I still have them — I turned to look at her. We were supposed to be looking straight ahead. And I said, Madam Prime Minister — and never turned her head, she kept looking — she said, our secret weapon, Senator, is we have no place else to go. We have no place else to go. (Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, our job is to make sure there’s always a place to go, that there’s always an Israel, that there’s always a secure Israel and there’s an Israel that can care for itself. (Applause.) My father was right. You are right. It’s the ultimate guarantor of never again. God bless you all and may God protect our troops. Thank you. (Applause.)

Biden: Israel Shouldn’t Rely on the U.S. for Its Security

Speaking at the annual convention of the Conservative movement’s Rabbinical Assembly in Atlanta on Tuesday, Vice President Joe Biden made the case that Obama’s strategies regarding the Iranian nuclear program have worked, but said the decision to strike must be Israel’s.

“I would not contract out my security to anybody, even a loyal, loyal, loyal friend like the United States,” Biden said.

The Vice President also stressed the effectiveness of the Obama Administration’s diplomatic campaign against Iran, saying that “by going the extra diplomatic mile, presenting Iran with a clear choice, we demonstrated to the region and the world that Iran is the problem, not the United States.”

In Biden’s view, the Obama Administration had to regain the international clout that had been lost by the GW Bush administration, in order to be effective against Iran.

“When we took office, let me remind you, there was virtually no international pressure on Iran,” Biden continued. “We were the problem, we were diplomatically isolated in the world, in the region, in Europe. We were neither fully respected by our friends nor feared by our opponents. Today it is starkly, starkly different.”

GOP presidential candidate Mitt Romney’s campaign on Tuesday attacked Biden, calling his  comments “reckless” and criticizing the Obama administration for “all too often” blaming America first, making the case that Biden’s criticisms of Bush were an insult to the country.

“Biden’s reckless statement today blaming America for – of all things – the progress of Iran’s nuclear weapons program, has reached a new low,” said Romney policy director Lanhee Chen. “The problem is not America. It is the ayatollahs who oppress their people.”

Matt Brooks, executive director of the Republican Jewish Coalition, told Fox News that “Iran was the problem then and it is the problem now. It’s foolishly misguided for the vice president to blame anyone or any country other than Iran.”

Vice President Biden said that Israel still has time to strike Iran and it must decide for herself whether to do so.

He added: “The window has not closed in terms of the Israelis if they choose to act on their own militarily.”

Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak has suggested that Israel has until the fall to strike; the Obama Administration has been pressing Israel to give time for sanctions and diplomacy to work.

Biden also said that Israel’s perception of Iran as an existential threat was “justifiable.” He warned Iran that its window was closing for a diplomatic way out of its isolation because of its suspected nuclear weapons program.

The vice president also called efforts to delegitimize Israel “the most significant assault” on Israel since its independence.

On Tuesday, the Iranian ambassador to the International Atomic Energy Agency said that talk of Iran’s intention to develop nuclear weapons is based on “unreliable” and “fake” evidence.

Full Transcript: VP Biden Delivers Candid Speech at Beth Yehudah Dinner in Detroit

As first reported here on Matzav.com,  Vice President Joe Biden spoke at the Yeshiva Beth Yehudah Dinner in front of hundreds of supporters of the largest Jewish school system in Detroit.
Biden stressed President Barack Obama’s commitment to Israel and the continued support of the U.S. during a fund-raiser Sunday in Detroit.
“America’s bond with Israel is unbreakable,” Biden told the crowd gathered at the Detroit Marriott at the Renaissance Center.
U.S. Sen. Debbie Stabenow, D-Mich., who is running for re-election, introduced Biden as someone who was “always there for our state” when he served in the Senate and who, as vice president, helped save the auto industry.
In his 20-minute speech, Biden said that challenges to Israel’s nationhood were rising around the world, and that there was a “sustained effort to delegitimize Israel.” Biden described the United Nations General Assembly as “mildly hostile” to Israel.
His speech seemed to play down the strained relations between Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The White House wants peace talks to resume between Israel and the Palestinians, but Netanyahu has declined.
A dustup occurred earlier this month when French President Nicolas Sarkozy, a supporter of Israel, was overheard telling Obama that Netanyahu was a “liar.” Obama reportedly said through an interpreter: “You are sick of him, but I have to work with him every day.”
Biden cited the U.S. refusal to attend events such as the World Conference Against Racism because of an anti-Israel tone and U.S. opposition to Palestinians seeking nationhood through the UN, a comment that drew applause from the crowd.
THE FOLLOWING IS A TRANSCRIPT OF THE VP’S REMARKS AT THE BETH YEHUDAH DINNER:
I understand I’m not even the end of the program. (Laughter.)
Well, first of all, let me thank Debbie for inviting me. And she is correct, everyone knows about you in Washington. And everyone knows something else - at least Joe Biden knows - when Debbie Stabenow asks you something, just say yes the first time. Don’t say, I have to check my schedule. Don’t say, I’m not sure - just say yes. Governor, start listening to her. Say yes, because Carl and everyone else listens to her. (Applause.)
By the way, Governor, it’s an honor to be with you tonight. I appreciate your - being with you. I think we can call a quorum of the United States Congress here today. (Laughter.) To all my former colleagues in the House and the Senate, I say thank you for allowing me to be here with you.
Ladies and gentlemen, 97th anniversary - I’m told you began with a weekly class of just five students some 97 years ago. And now, you’re the largest Jewish school system in the state. And nearly a century - for nearly a century you’ve set a standard for excellence not just in Jewish education, but in education period, preparing each generation for leadership and service in the community, which is an unyielding Jewish tradition.
I’m probably one of the few Christian members of the Congress who can say the motzi. (Laughter.) I’ve attended more Jewish dinners than some of you have. (Applause.) I’ve raised more money from AIPAC than some of you have. (Applause.) I have spent more money raising money for the Federation than some of you have. (Laughter.) You think I’m kidding, don’t you. I’m not.
It’s a testament to all of you that so many of Michigan’s leaders are assembled here today - your master of ceremonies indicated, reading off all of the people who are here. It is a testament to the great, great work that you do.
Although I was not educated here, I was not educated in the tradition - I was not educated in a Jewish school, I was educated in the traditions of Judaism. I was educated about the oppression and genocide committed against the Jews, the historic ties between the Jewish people and the land of Israel. I was educated at my dinner table by what my Jewish friends at home refer to - and you would - as a righteous Christian, a man who taught us that without vigilance, the safe haven of Israel, it could happen again without Israel.
I got in trouble some years ago and Carl may remember. About 18, 20 years ago, I was speaking to the Zionist Organization of Baltimore. And I said, I am a Zionist, for I learned you do not have to be a Jew to be a Zionist. The fact of the matter is that the man who raised me was absolutely committed to the notion that it should never happen again, the man who could not understand why there could even be a debate about the establishment of the state of Israel. That man was my dad.
So it was no surprise to my friends when I was elected to the Senate in a state less than 1 percent of the Jewish - less than 1 percent of the population is Jewish, that I got so deeply involved early on in the Senate with the business of Israel. I was elected when I was 29 years old. And I continued my education, because I had the opportunity to get there and be educated by men like Hubert Humphrey, like Abe Ribicoff, like Jack Javits - people who were my mentors as a young kid in the United States Senate.
And like all of you, I feel we have an obligation to educate all of our children about the darkest moments of the past, so we can avoid them in the future. That’s why when children - when my children were old enough, I took them - as Carl remembers - my first trip taking my oldest son at 15, then my second son when he turned 15 to Europe. We literally flew into Germany, went down to Munich, got in a car and drove to Dachau, the first place they ever visited, because I wanted them to understand what mankind is capable of, the incredible humanity.
But I also wanted them to understand that the most horrible circumstances imaginable that occurred there and in other concentration camps is only paled by the endurance of the human spirit. Folks, it’s more than just Zachor. It’s more than just remembrance. It’s an American national security interest that Israel remain free, secure in a democratic state in the Middle East. As I said when I - (Applause.)
If there were not an Israel, we would have to invent one. As I said in a speech I recently made at Tel Aviv University, American support for Israel is not just an act of friendship; it’s an act of fundamental national self-interest on the part of the United States, a key component of our broader efforts to secure this region and the wider world as well as secure our own security. President Obama feels exactly the same way.
When we came to office, when it came to standing up for Israel’s security both in terms of the threat it faces and countering those who seek to delegitimize Israel - this is the most concerted effort in my 36 years in the Senate and two and a half years as Vice President that I have seen an effort to literally delegitimize Israel as a nation state. It’s occurring in Europe. It’s occurring around the world.
The commitment we have made - all my colleagues in the Senate and House that are here, all our administration - is equal to and surpasses that of any of our predecessors. Early in our administration when the President gave his speech in Egypt to the Muslim communities around the world, he made our commitment plain as day, standing in Cairo in the midst of an Islamic audience.
He told the audience in the heart of the Arab world, and I quote, that “America’s bond with Israel is unbreakable.” Now listen - (Applause.) Listen to what he said this September at the United Nations General Assembly. He said, “Israel is surrounded by neighbors that have waged repeated wars against it. Israel’s citizens have been killed by rockets fired at their houses and suicide bombers on their buses. Israel’s children come of age knowing that throughout the region other children are taught to hate them. Israel, a small country with less than 8 million people looks out at a world where leaders of much larger nations threaten and are committed to wipe it off the face of the map.”
That statement was not made at a Jewish dinner. That statement was made for the whole world to hear before what was a mildly hostile General Assembly.
The threats against the Jewish state have changed dramatically since I first became a senator in 1973. Then, there was no concern about a nuclear armed Iran, Hamas armed with sophisticated rockets, Hezbollah with longer range missiles, uncertainty among Israel’s neighbors during what has become known as the Arab Spring.
So now, as a consequence of those changes our commitment to Israel’s security must and does reflect those new threats. In spite of our own tough economic times - I need not tell folks in Detroit about tough economic times. In spite of these tough economic times, the President with the help of the Congress has secured $3 billion in annual assistance for Israel, the most ever. (Applause.)
On top of that, the President asked for an additional $205 million to help Israel produce what is referred to as the Iron Dome, the short range rocket defense system that has intercepted dozens of rockets along the Gaza border, rockets that could have struck hospitals, schools, or homes. And it is now being installed along the Lebanese border.
President Obama saw firsthand the need for a system back in 2008, when he was - when he actually visited the region. He saw how the residents of the border areas were perpetually in the cross hairs of Hamas and Hezbollah. And he worked with Israel on two new missile defense systems - Arrow and David’s Sling - on a high-powered radar system that could detect missiles by satellite and give the Israelis early warning of a launch against them.
It’s not just the technology, but the human relationships that will ensure Israel’s qualitative military edge. Since taking office, we’ve launched the most comprehensive and meaningful strategic and operational consultations across all levels of our government, unprecedented in their scope, frequency and character.
The largest ever joint military exercise in our joint history - Juniper Cobra, it was referred to as. The most visits by senior high-level Department of Defense officials and their Israeli counterparts - over 200. Such cooperation, as you observed, only exists with the closes allies; cooperation that a friend of mine for 39 years, Benjamin Netanyahu himself, has rightly called unprecedented.
The President is also keenly aware of the existential threat that Iran’s acquisition of nuclear weapons could and would pose to Israel. It would also be, I might add, a direct and serious threat to the United States. That’s why President Obama is absolutely determined to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, period. (Applause.)
We have built up the strongest and most far-reaching sanctions that Iran has ever seen. As a result, Iran is increasingly isolated, and we are not - we’ve severely set back its ability to buy technology to continue its nuclear and missile programs. We’ve made it increasingly difficult for Iran to do basic business transactions around the world. For example, major multinational companies have suspended or stopped some $60 billion worth of energy projects with Iran, while banks, insurers and other financial institutions have ceased doing business altogether, just in the last 18 months.
And don’t take my word for it. Here’s what President Ahmadinejad - after saying initially the sanction had no consequence - here’s what he recently told the Iranian parliament, just two weeks ago. And I quote, “the West as imposed the most extensive and dastardly sanctions.” He went on to say, “Every day our banking and trade activities and our agreements are being monitored and blocked. This is the heaviest economic onslaught,” he went on to say, “in our nation’s history. Our banks cannot make international transactions anymore.” And he went on.
The Israelis know that they can count on us and on this President. As recently as this September, when demonstrations in Cairo turned violent, and protestors breached the wall of the Israeli embassy there, tearing down Israel’s flag and threatening the security of the embassy staff, the Israeli’s asked for our help. President Obama immediately responded.
Afterwards Bibi, I should refer - I’ve known him so long - the Prime Minister, Netanyahu, said of the President, I quote, “I requested his assistance at a decisive, I would say even fateful moment. He said he would do everything possible, and that’s exactly what he did. He activated all the United States’ means and influence, which are certainly considerable. I believe we owe him a special debt of gratitude.”
Even - even as we remain vigilant to any and all threats to Israel’s security, we will have - and I can tell you for eight Presidents we always have had - tactical disagreements over policy. But none of these disagreements go to the heart of our relationship. They never have. And we will never allow it to occur.
That’s more important than it ever has been today, because, as I said, we are witnessing the most sustained aggressive attempt to de-legitimize Israel that I have ever seen. And I have been more deeply involved in this issue than anyone but four people who are still in the United States Congress.
The United States is fighting these efforts with everything we have. It was one thing to help stop the sale of AWACS to the Saudis - I voted against AWACS to the Saudis years ago. It’s a very different thing - it’s a very different thing to meet the pernicious undermining of Israel’s statehood that is occurring subtly all around the world.
We stood by Israel when the Goldstone Report on the 2009 Gaza War was issued, because we will always support Israel’s right to self-defense. We refused to attend events that - (applause) - and by the way, this has been bipartisan - we’ve refused to attend events that legitimize the flawed - excuse me - 2001 World Conference Against Racism, which outrageously singled out Israel for criticism.
We vetoed the U.N. Security Council resolution that declared Israel’s settlements illegal, and we’re working around the clock to prevent the United Nations and its agencies from further isolating Israel, and from prematurely endorsing a Palestinian bid for statehood. (Applause.)
And we are strongly - strongly - opposed to the decision by UNESCO to in fact recognize Israel as part of its organization to approve the Palestinian bid for full membership.
We have repeatedly made clear to the Israelis and the Palestinians, and the international community, that long-lasting peace can only be achieved - as Israeli leaders have argued from the beginning - by negotiations between the two parties themselves, period. Period. (Applause.) As the President said of the United Nations last month, There are no shortcuts to peace.
Ladies and Gentlemen, we know, as our Israeli friends know, and I think everyone knows, that the status quo between Israel and the Palestinians is not sustainable.
For the Palestinians, statehood will not just fulfill legitimate, long-sought aspiration common to all people’s, it will restore the fundamental dignities and self-respect that their current predicament denies them and their current actions keep them from achieving. For Israel, this is about both preserving its identity as a Jewish state, and achieving the lasting security that Israel deserves.
It is no secret that demographic realities make it increasingly difficult for Israel to remain both a Jewish homeland and a Democratic country, in the absence of a Palestinian state and an agreement.
Like many Americans, I’ve experienced the magic of Israel many, many times. But at a relatively young age, when I had just turned 30, I first visited on the eve of the Yom Kippur War. My very first meeting was with a woman I’ve always admired - had always admired - from afar, as millions of Americans did.
I remember being ushered into her office where she sat me down in front of her desk, and she had behind her a series of maps that she kept pulling back, up and down, while she chain-smoked. She, Golda Meir, explained to me what had happened in the Six-Day War. She read to me the most woe-some tales and letters from young men, young Israeli soldiers, and women who had been killed on the front.
There was a young man sitting next to me named Yitzhak Rabin, who I met for the first time. As the Prime Minister spoke, I think she could see my sense of apprehension as I thought of the daunting threats that faced Israel at the time.
About an hour and a half into our meeting, she suddenly looked at me and she said, Senator, would you like a photo - would you like a photo opportunity? I thought, What in the heck did that come from? (Laughter.) I said, Of course I would, Madame Prime Minister. Many of you have been in her office, the same office. We got up, they opened the double doors and walked out into that hallway, and there are all kinds of press there.
And as we’re standing next to one being photographed like it was a press conference - not speaking, just being photographed - she looked straight ahead, and talked to me while I was looking straight ahead. And she said, Senator, you look worried. And I said, Well, I am - I looked at her and I said, I am, Madame Prime Minister, after what she had just told me. She said, Don’t worry, Senator. We Israelis have a secret weapon in our conflict with the Arabs. We have nowhere else to go. We have nowhere else to go.
With the United States, past Presidents and this President know, that Israel has nowhere else to go. That’s why we have done more than any administration on the security front with Israel because we know it has nowhere else to go. To make sure that Israel can stay exactly where she is - a Jewish state, secure and free. And that is why the bond between America and Israel is absolutely unshakeable.
So, ladies and gentlemen, as my dear grandfather used to say every time I walked out his door, he’d say, Joey, keep the faith. Ladies and gentlemen, keep the faith. I commit to you, as a supporter of Israel for 40 years, and the record to show it, that I can match against any man or woman who ever served in the United States Senate, I guarantee you we will stand with Israel because we know she has nowhere else to go. And we want her to stay right where she is. (Applause.)
God bless you all, and may God protect our troops. Thank you.

Biden at GA: U.S.-Israel ties ‘unbreakable’

NEW ORLEANS, La. (JTA) -- Vice President Joe Biden called the U.S.-Israel bond "unbreakable" in a speech at the General Assembly of the Jewish Federations of North America.

Speaking before an audience of approximately 4,000 at the opening plenary of the annual federations conference in New Orleans, Biden said tensions that may seem to exist between the Obama administration and Israel do not imply a weakening of ties between the two countries.

“This administration represents an unbroken chain in American leaders who have understood this critical relationship,” Biden said. “It is one that we will not yield one single inch. President Obama feels exactly the same way I do. The ties between our countries are literally unbreakable.”

Biden said his love of Israel dated back to 1973, when he made his first trip to Israel as a junior U.S. senator from Delaware and had an hourlong meeting with Israel's then-prime minister, Golda Meir.

Meir, he said, told him that “We Israelis have a secret weapon ... We have nowhere else to go,” Biden recounted. “All these years later I feel both alarm and solace at those words. I feel that our support for Israel must continue always and forever.”

While the Obama and Netanyahu administrations had differences in recent months, especially over Israel's construction in the West Bank, Biden assured the crowd that “The disagreements when they have existed have only been tactical in nature. They have never been fundamental.”

Vice President Joe Biden meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the annual General Assembly of the Jewish Federations of North America in New Orleans, Sunday, Nov. 7, 2010. (AP Photo/Gerald Herbert)